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I am a Dutch journalist, writer and photographer and cover topics such as human rights, poverty, migration, environmental issues, culture and business. I’m currently based in The Hague, The Netherlands, and frequently travel to other parts of the world. I have also lived in Tunisia, Egypt, Kuwait and Dubai.
My work has been published by Al Jazeera English, BBC, The Atlantic's CityLab, Vice, Deutsche Welle, Middle East Eye, The Sydney Morning Herald, and many Dutch and Belgian publications.
I hold an MA in Arabic Languages and Cultures from Radboud University Nijmegen and a post-Master degree in Journalism from Erasmus University Rotterdam. What I love most about my work is the opportunities I get to ask loads of questions. Email: [email protected]
Like me, you probably haven’t heard much about Libya for a while, as it’s not a very safe country for journalists to travel to. I was therefore interested to find a podcast episode dedicated to the situation in the North-African country.
The host from the Middle East Institute, a Washington-based think tank, talks to Jonathan Winer, who will update you about Libya eight years after the country’s revolution.
There is a security crisis, a political crisis and an economic crisis.
Since 2016, there are two governments. One that is internationally recognised and headed by Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj based in Tripoli, in the west of the country. The other second one is the unofficial government located in the east of the country.
Libya needs to have a constitution and security forces to fight the militia, or local warlords, who get money from the national oil company, says Winer.
He advises: Revenues need to go not just to a central government but also to municipalities, to provide services to people. If the soldiers get higher salaries than the militias, an incentive is created to become soldiers.
The politicians who are unwilling to move anything forward in order to preserve their own power aren’t making it better, like the President of the House of Representatives Aguila Saleh Issa.
There are lots of reasonable, moderate, capable Libyans. There are always hardliners who get in the way.
They also talk about why diplomatic efforts to improve the situation, like the Palermo summit last week, have failed. The exclusion of some countries and the fact certain leaders didn’t show up didn’t help. Also:
Libyans are good in signing agreements and then ignore them.
Winer also mentions Russian banknotes that played a huge role in dividing the country, and Russia’s military involvement in the east.
A divide and conquer strategy that might work for Russia, I don’t know. It’s certainly not good for Libya.